The Sierra Madre Occidental Mountains run from south of the Arizona-Sonora border southeast through eastern Sonora, western Chihuahua, Sinaloa, Durango, Zacatecas, Jalisco and farther south. The Sierra Madre Oriental Mountains run parallel to the Sierra Madre Occidental range on the eastern side of the country.

Established in 1548, the Spanish province of Nueva Galicia embraced 180,000 kilometers and included most of present-day Jalisco, Nayarit, Aguascalientes and Zacatecas. Across this broad range of territory a wide array of indigenous groups lived during the Sixteenth Century. The old Aztec empire had been replaced with Nueva España.

Oaxaca is characterized by extreme geographic fragmentation with extensive mountain systems, wide tropical coastal plains and fertile valleys. The entire state is very mountainous, being crossed by three cordilleras:

1. The Sierra Madre Oriental in western Oaxaca.

2. The Sierra Madre del Sur covers 70% of the state territory.

3. The Sierra Atravesada in the region of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.

It is believed that as many as 300,000 American Indians spoke at least 80 distinct languages in California at the time of the Spanish arrival. The map on this page shows the California tribal groups at the time of the Spanish arrival in the Eighteenth Century.

Learn to trace your indigenous roots in northeastern Mexico and south Texas. Historian, genealogist, and author John P. Schmal will discuss the various tribal groups inhabiting this region; research techniques for finding your ancestors in this area; and helpful websites.

Today, in the northeast corner of Mexico, there are two Mexican states, Tamaulipas and Nuevo León. When the Spaniards arrived in this area in 16th Century, they were confronted by a large number of hostile indigenous tribes. Over time, the Coahuiltecans – the dominant linguistic group in the region – were weakened by epidemics, warfare, the Spanish encomienda, forced slavery, dispersion and general demoralization. With the Spaniards coming from the south and Apaches and Comanches attacking from the north, the Coahuiltecans declined significantly within the period of a century, many of them seeking refuge in the Spanish missions.

This presentation discusses the native groups that occupied the regions adjacent to and on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border over the last three centuries. While some of these tribes are well-known to us today (i.e., the Yaquis, Tohono O'odham, Kumeyaay, etc.), tribal groups that have nearly disappeared as distinguishable cultural entities (i.e., Carrizos, Mansos, Jocome, Coahuiltecans, etc.) will also be discussed. In addition to the history of those tribes, we will explore the current status of some of the tribal communities that still exist today.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.

Today, Jalisco is the seventh largest state of Mexico with a diverse terrain that gave rise to an incredible diversity of tribal groups. Professor Eric Van Young has noted that the area of central Jalisco “supported relatively dense populations” and a “considerable ethnolinguistic variety prevailed within a fairly small geographic area.” But the expedition of Nuño de Guzmán (1529-1531) changed everything and many tribal groups were decimated during the next two decades, especially after the Mixtón Revolt (1540-1541).

The state of Tamaulipas is located in the northeastern portion of the Mexican Republic. It shares common borders with the Mexican States of Nuevo León (to the west), San Luis Potosí (to the southwest) and Veracruz (to the south). It also shares its northern boundary with Texas. On its east, Tamaulipas also has a 458-kilometer long coastline along the Gulf of Mexico.

The State of Tamaulipas once boasted a very large number of indigenous groups. Most of the region was largely unexplored and unexploited until the middle of the 18th Century when Jose de Escandón established the colony of Nuevo Santander. Although Gabriel Saldivar’s “Los Indios de Tamaulipas” (1943) references four primary indigenous groups within the borders of the present-day state, the Coahuiltecans made up the bulk of the northern bands along the Rio Grande River. However, with Spaniards coming from the south and Apaches and Comanches attacking from the north, the Coahuiltecans declined significantly within the period of a century, many of them seeking refuge in the Spanish missions

The American state of Texas and the Mexican state of Tamaulipas share a long border along the Rio Grande River. For thousands of years, Native American tribes either lived along this river or passed over it on their way south (or north). This boundary was finalized in 1848, but a century earlier, much of the Rio Grande River area was being settled by Spanish and Mexican settlers who had come from other parts of Mexico to settle the lands that were already inhabited by many tribal groups.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communication channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico´s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous) religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of indigenous people.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.

The Mexican Census Paints a Picture

From 1895 to 2015, the Mexican census has painted a picture of Mexico’s people, providing details about languages spoken (Spanish, foreign and indigenous), religion, education, literacy, employment and migration. From the beginning, the Mexican census provided details about indigenous languages spoken by its citizens. However, in the first half century, it is possible that there were undercounts of indigenous language speakers because some may have failed to declare their language status for fear of affecting their position within the community. In addition, poor communications channels with rural, isolated indigenous communities may also have caused an undercount of the indigenous people.